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Politics

The Grim Transparency Milei Projects onto the Caste: New Pact or New Betrayal?

Diego Santilli weaves an alliance with governors to secure Milei's reelection, but distrust and a history of broken promises cast doubt on the deal. Meanwhile, in key provinces like Mendoza, the ruling party seeks competitive candidates to avoid losing power.

Por Redacción El Sereno · julio 10, 2026
La sombría transparencia que Milei proyecta sobre la casta: ¿nuevo pacto o nueva traición?

Amid the ruling party’s euphoria over Manuel Adorni’s departure and encouraging economic indicators, new Chief of Cabinet Diego Santilli is pushing a plan to secure Javier Milei’s reelection. The proposal includes suspending the PASO this year and splitting elections, so governors are not affected in their continuity in power. In exchange, the ruling party would offer a candidate with no chance of defeating them, but governors would have to align their lists of national deputies with Milei’s reelection.

However, the main obstacle is the governors’ distrust, having been let down in the past. «I thought there was no one more sycophantic than Hernán Lombardi. But the Colorado proved me wrong,» Mauricio Macri reportedly said after the meeting with Milei in Acassuso. Santilli, known for his persuasive skills, tries to overcome that skepticism, but the lack of fresh funds, which depend on the Ministry of Economy, complicates negotiations.

Mendoza is the test case for this distrust. Milei has over 50% approval in that province and has a competitive candidate in Luis Petri. Alfredo Cornejo cannot run for reelection and lacks a strong leader to retain the government. Ullpiano Suárez, mayor of Mendoza city, could be a threat to Cornejo as he is not part of his inner circle. Meanwhile, Karina Milei’s favored courtiers, Martín and Eduardo Menem, propose that Andrés «Peti» Lombardi share a ticket with Amalia Salafia, vice-rector of Universidad Maza, which would imply an agreement to compete with a single list. The question is whether the UCR would accept that deal and what would happen to Petri.

Milei’s reelection largely depends on economic success, supported by a favorable image in provinces like Misiones, Entre Ríos, Santa Fe, and Córdoba, where social mood is tied to primary production. Macri received from those governors the demand to be a presidential candidate, but he required them to first publicly express their willingness to back him. Now, several are trying to distance themselves from the government, but cautiously so as not to snub it. Maximiliano Pullaro candidly told Macri the reservations of that group, fearing he might abandon his opposition to Milei if he negotiates some advantage to retain the city government.

The lack of communication between Macri and his cousin Jorge Macri magnifies the role of Daniel Angelici, whom both entrusted as executor. The level of conflict threatens to tarnish Angelici’s prestige as a negotiator, and also the one he accumulated as a boss. Cristian Gribaudo, administrative secretary, is criticized for his absences from the Legislature, attributed to a supposed withdrawal syndrome from coming from a senator position in the Buenos Aires Legislature.

In Córdoba, Hernán Lacunza’s arrival at Banco de Córdoba is not due to an electoral agreement between Martín Llaryora and Macri, but to the need to depoliticize the bank’s credit profile. Llaryora also appointed Ércole Felippa, head of dairy company Manfrey, to mitigate the influence of Juan Manuel Cid, a supposed emulator of Horacio Miró. These unfounded fabrications provide clues to the antidote against the caste that Milei still embodies, despite cases like Guido Giana, an entrepreneur from the training ground in public service attributed to Federico Salvai and Gustavo Ferrari.

Giana trained in managing PAMI branches in the suburbs, and his background captivated Santiago Caputo to make him deputy minister of Mario Lugones in Health. Audited almost amicably by personnel who left the Ministry of Justice with the resignation of Sebastián Amerio. One of the many slanderous comments circulating in the Casa Rosada is that Giana cited personal reasons to resign after these audits.

The disciplinary proceedings initiated against prosecutor Raquel Almada in Santa Fe would be another example of the effect of projecting onto feudal chieftains the same grim transparency. Almada decided to release and not charge Matías Belloso, caught with an unregistered firearm in Granadero Baigorria. Matías is the son of Gonzalo Belloso, president of Rosario Central, a club awarded by Claudio «Chiqui» Tapia with a title for which it did not compete. Almada violated an express order from the Public Prosecutor’s Office to investigate those carrying unregistered weapons. Fausto Carbajo, who was with Belloso when arrested, is reported for extortion linked to illegal gambling, an illegal activity controlled in Rosario by Los Menores, the gang disputing control of drug dealing with Los Monos. This occurs one month after the online gambling tender, open to suspicious rumors. One of them places Daniel Di Lena, head of the Santa Fe Lottery, Pullaro’s right-hand man and responsible for the online gambling tender process, as a tourist at the soccer World Cup.

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Comentarios

  1. para mi milei y santilli son la misma casta de siempre disfrazada de cambio jajaja nos venden humo y despues nos cagan como siempre en mendoza se van a quedar con todo el poder los mismos chorros de siempre esto es todo teatro para seguir choreando la unica alianza q vale es la del pueblo contra estos hdp firmado el loco juancho

  2. Para mí, Milei les está dando el palazo final a estos garcas de la casta. Santilli y los gobernadores son unos traidores disfrazados de aliados, pero el león los va a dejar afuera a todos. Esto huele a nueva traición, como siempre. Argentina necesita hombres de verdad, no estos vendepatria. ¡Fuera todos, carajo!

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