Manuel Adorni submitted his irrevocable resignation as Chief of Cabinet, cornered by three months of scandal surrounding his assets, without a self-criticism in his farewell letter and with a final shot aimed at the press. «They have treated me like a criminal and corrupt without a single act of corruption on my shoulders,» he wrote, in a text that affirmed his innocence but offered no explanations for any of the points that led him to that situation.
The affair erupted on March 8, when it came to light that his wife, Bettina Angeletti, had traveled to New York on the presidential plane. From there, the list of revelations did not stop growing: a vacation in Punta del Este on a private flight hired by journalist Marcelo Grandío – whose production company maintains contracts with the Public Television -, an undeclared house in the Indio Cua country club, and the purchase and renovation of an apartment in Caballito. Added to this was the acknowledgment that he had omitted declaring USD 500,000 obtained from cryptocurrency investments between 2014 and 2018, which ultimately whitened a patrimonial increase of over 400% in real terms since his arrival in public office.
The wear and tear was such that, weeks before his departure, the Executive had already taken away his communication area, and the opposition – with the PRO joining the move – was advancing a motion of censure in Congress, which ultimately became void after his resignation. Javier Milei himself, who had publicly supported him for months, went so far as to warn from Spain that if the Justice confirmed the scandals, he would kick him out «with a boot.» Adorni also ended up leaving the board of YPF, where he had been appointed in January.
Now, beyond the political blow it meant for the Government, the legal impact of the resignation is much more limited than is often assumed. Leaving office does not imply the automatic closure of any criminal investigation, nor does it suspend pending cases, nor does it constitute a form of immunity from Justice: all cases continue exactly in the same procedural state they were in before the resignation.
One of the most frequent mistakes is believing that all national officials have immunity. This is not the case. The immunity from arrest provided by Article 69 of the National Constitution protects only deputies and senators during their term. Ministers, secretaries of state, and the Chief of Cabinet do not have that privilege, so Adorni, even while in office, could be investigated or summoned by a judge without needing to be stripped of immunity. His resignation, then, does not make him lose any special protection because he never had it.
Use of the presidential plane: this case, which investigated whether Bettina Angeletti’s trip to New York on the official plane constituted embezzlement of public funds, has already been closed. Judge Daniel Rafecas decided to close it in April, after the prosecution argued that there was no crime: it was determined that Angeletti traveled as a guest without official capacity, that no per diems were paid in her name, and that the use of the aircraft fell within presidential discretion for an authorized official mission.
The short answer is no, at least not solely because of having resigned. In the Argentine criminal system, no one can be deprived of liberty simply for leaving a public office. For that, Justice would need to gather sufficient evidence, summon him for questioning, and eventually issue an indictment. Even then, pretrial detention is an exceptional measure that only proceeds in the face of concrete risks of flight or obstruction of the investigation. A final conviction would only come after a trial, with all due process guarantees.
What does change with the departure from power is Adorni’s institutional capacity: he no longer has access to state agencies or administrative structures he once managed, a factor that judges and prosecutors often weigh when assessing the risk of interference in a case.
With Diego Santilli already sworn in as the new Chief of Cabinet, the political crisis has found its institutional closure. The judicial one, on the other hand, is just beginning a new stage.
khe garca este adorni se va pero las causas quedan bien ahi para mi los zurdos lloran pero no entienden q todos son corruptos mientras tanto los chorros d la izquierda siguen sueltos q se pudran todos
para mi se hace el vivo renunciando pero la justicia no se olvida choreto concheto de mierda ahora van a ver de q esta hecho el sistema cuando le saquen los fueros y lo metan preso como a cualkier laburante