Those of us who love journalism had the sadness this weekend of saying goodbye to Roberto García, a central figure in Argentine news life. He began very young at Primera Plana, alongside Tomás Eloy Martínez, and later was a protagonist at Ámbito Financiero, where he scored scoops like the Austral Plan in 1985. On a personal level, I lost a dear friend and the master who taught me to look at power.
But while journalism mourns one of its greats, political power gets tangled in its own obsessions. The Adorni case continues to capture public attention, even amid the magnetism of the World Cup. The interest the case arouses has something of morbid fascination. Even more so now, when the famous sheets appeared, turned into an unexpected symbol of the family’s postponed consumption.
But the matter is relevant not only for the appeal it generates. For the government itself, it has become a structuring issue. It forces changes to cabinet functioning and conditions parliamentary strategy. Adorni cannot appear before Congress without exposing himself to a complicated interpellation or even a motion of censure. The consequence is paradoxical: the difficulty of one official ends up affecting the Senate’s progress and, therefore, delaying decisive projects for the ruling party. Among them, the formation of a new judicial map. A government that is undergoing an almost unprecedented process because it is in a position to fill nearly 30% of the positions in the Judiciary.
The scandal, moreover, cannot be separated from the economic climate. Perhaps the Adorni case would not have the same impact if there were not a malaise associated with the recession. The government manages to strengthen reserves, reduce country risk, and improve bond prices. It also manages to slow down inflation, with effort. What still hasn’t appeared is the recovery of sectors decisive for employment, such as industry, commerce, and construction.
That connection between economy and public morality is reflected in a study that links Adorni’s image with the economic situation perceived by each respondent. A comparative work allows observing the evolution of those feelings between January 2024, a month after Milei came to power, and June 2026. When Milei took office, hope reached 43% of those surveyed. Today it stands at 39%. Anger and rage, which then barely represented 1%, climbed to 23%. Anguish and sadness — that unease that probably helps explain the crises of representation that made Milei’s rise possible — went from 1% to 14%.
Uncertainty, which in January 2024 reached 18% of respondents, fell to 13%. That is understandable. At that time, it was still not clear whether Milei would manage to clear up the leadership question, whether a center of gravity for public life would appear, or whether the country would drift toward some form of chaos. Today there is less uncertainty. Also less disillusionment and less fear. The former dropped from 12% to 10%; the latter, from 20% to 4%.
These data suggest that Milei still faces the central challenge of satisfying a demand for tranquility and hope, that is, the aspiration for a somewhat brighter future. However, in that landscape, constants appear, those regularities that end up shaping political life. And there emerges the Adorni case, which shakes like a boat on the surface of those deep currents.
The government also has reasons to celebrate today. They are modest reasons, but relevant for an administration that had been experiencing a deterioration in its relationship with public opinion. The confidence index of the Universidad Di Tella allowed it to register an uptick after a long time. It is no longer simply about falling less. In April, the indicator had fallen 12%; in May, 1.6%. Now it showed a recovery of 3.9%. The index, measured on a scale of one to five, reached 2.07 points. However, it is worth looking at the historical series. Alberto Fernández had an average of 1.69. Mauricio Macri, 2.27. Milei today stands at 2.40. It must be noted: different durations are being compared.
The extraordinary nature of the last match of the Argentine national team allows us to notice some virtues that, perhaps, can serve as inspiration for a society that often finds enormous difficulties when it comes to organizing collective play. The first of these virtues is method. And here appears the exemplary figure of Lionel Scaloni. The discipline of work explains a decisive part of success in any activity. The second is coordination, a quality that has always eluded us Argentines. This country has produced extraordinary individuals. What it struggles with is producing extraordinary teams. Brazil had Tom Jobim and Vinicius de Moraes, who together gave rise to bossa nova. We had Borges and Piazzolla. But they were solitary geniuses. The Argentine national team, on the other hand, offers the infrequent spectacle of a virtuous game organized around a common project.
Meanwhile, the government gets tangled in its own contradictions. The obsession with controlling the press and the judiciary clashes with the reality of a scandal that cannot be covered up. The Adorni case is the tip of the iceberg of an administration that promised transparency but ends up wrapped in sheets and suspicions. And the question that remains floating is whether Milei will be able to navigate this swamp or whether, like so many others, he will end up devoured by his own obsessions.
Para mí los zurdos lloran por Adorni mientras la economía se recupera, Milei es un genio, la recesión es culpa del kirchnerismo, no me jodan. Vamos Argentina, la casta se va a caer, apoyo total al presidente, no aflojes, esto huele a victoria.
Para mí estos libertarios son un circo berreta. El caso Adorni los pinta como los gorilonios hipócritas que son, festejando migajas mientras el pueblo se caga de hambre. Milei obsesionado con su motosierra ni se entera. La selección da un ejemplo de laburo en equipo, justo lo que les falta a estos inútiles. Afuera el ajuste, arriba los pibes! Fdo: El Gaucho K